| This
paper is probably in the category of Most Untimely Items I’ve Ever Written
but it has been on the drawing board for some time and I see no reason
to withhold it even though it has become a nonissue at this moment. Six
months ago, it was a real issue and a few years from now it will be again.
I read a lot about the problem of Refugees, particularly
as it relates to Palestinians. I read very little about proposed solutions
and those up high who have thought up solutions seem to be keeping them
a secret from the rest of us. I have spent time thinking about the issue
with a focus on solutions. Here are some thoughts both on the topic of
refugees in general and the problem of Palestine in particular. I don’t
know that these ideas will go down well, but I have tried to come up with
something fair to all sides and challenge you to come up with some others.
Were it that we could turn back the clock, claims
for restitution arising from duress and dispossession would result in massive
transfers of population and property. Nazism, communism, colonialism and
ethnic warfare are examples of 20th century forceful dislocations that
occurred on several continents with consequences in almost every country
on the planet. Some dispossessions are of recent vintage; others with claimants
still alive date back over half a century. Many victims are dead. Others
cannot be restored to their original position because it is impractical
and/or involves the eviction of a legal third-party transferee who paid
value for title. Many perpetrators were from regimes that have been replaced
(let alone states that no longer exist) or that were thrust upon an unwilling
populace; restitution would come from people who had no ties to the original
acts. The above reasons explain why I have for several years taken the
position that too much responsibility is being directed at today’s Germany
for the acts of companies, governments and citizens that are no longer
recognizable for what they were. In addition, many refugees languish without
political rights and monetary restitution will not make them whole. Solving
this problem will never be possible to everyone's satisfaction especially
because of this last point.
If the Golden Rule applies, my conclusion is that
each party should feel a sense of obligation toward anyone dispossessed
of property by means of duress. The presumption is that no one willingly
abandons valuable property without selling it for something approaching
fair market value. A sticking point to settling old conflicts is the unwillingness
to recognize such a presumption so as to evade responsibility for fear
of financial liability and waiver of political rights. Nevertheless, most
property cannot be valued as each case is unique and the valuation of property
under changed circumstances is at best speculative. Reality requires above
all a willingness to adapt to change and it is not for nothing that Darwin’s
theory of natural survival stems from the fact that the fittest survive
not out of strength but adaptability.
My recommendation is that all parties accept a
moral obligation of restitution to parties dispossessed of property by
means of duress and accept the idea that whoever was dispossessed became
so under duress. To the extent sovereign entities will cooperate to compensate
each other’s nationals who suffered dispossession in their former lands
of residence, this should be done on a mutual basis. Otherwise, each country
or a group of countries working together should make available funds and
create initiatives to benefit people of the affected and surviving generations
so as to provide indirect compensation. This could be coordinated through
the United Nations if bilateral/multilateral arrangements are not feasible
or prove to be unwieldy. So much for theory.
Now let’s get down to nuts and bolts. An important
issue is how to compensate individuals as individuals when it is very difficult
to find out exactly what was dispossessed 50 years ago and how to decide
what value to pay for it 50 years later. Do you pay what land and its improvements
as of 1948 are worth today or what it was worth 50 years ago with interest
(which could alone be 7x the value)? Should a person get compensation for
the benefits enjoyed by registered owners over the past 50 years? That
will prejudice legitimate transferees for value who did not factor this
liability into the purchase price or the price they set for others that
they shared the property with. Should you deduct taxes for the past 50
years? Should you deduct the costs borne by the new owner of the past 50
years if you charge the new owner anything? If you compensate state to
state, the states will trade dollars and it will be a wash. If you compensate
as individuals, each state will have to pay individuals money it doesn’t
have. If you simply assign each person a value based on a category, you
will overcompensate and undercompensate people. There are no good answers
here to any of these questions.
I think the solution should be based upon means-based
compensation on an individual basis, and state to state compensation on
a token basis. Meaning that if you are today poor because of what you lost
back in 1948, you should receive direct compensation, probably on a per
capita basis (the odds are you were poor to begin with if you are still
poor 50 years later), and a few categories will probably cover most of
the people in this class since there are not that many levels of poorness
if you fit into that category in the first place. If you are not poor,
you will get a token payment but the Palestinian state will also get a
contribution in your name (and what this really means is that the wealthier
class in all countries will trade dollars state to state because Arab States
also have to compensate for the dispossessed Jews of 1948 – think of the
two elderly men in Trading Places trading a dollar at the end of the film).
This discriminates against people who succeeded but at least ensures that
the number of cases will be manageable and that money will find its way
to those who need it. Anyone who is still in need after all these years
is probably the most unfortunate of all the players in this saga.
The more difficult problem is to resolve the nationality
status of dispossessed refugees, something money cannot buy. This problem
is particularly acute in the case of a refugee who has been dispossessed,
lives in a country but is not welcome in that country such as Lebanon,
has no right to go elsewhere, and has no viable option to return to his
original home. This distinguishes Palestinians from Jews who survived the
Holocaust; Jews all became citizens somewhere. My proposed solution is
that unless an option exists for the purpose of accepting the refugee (ie:
Palestine), the country from which the refugee was dispossessed must grant
that person and his/her dependents "safe haven citizenship." This means
they must accept that person back on its territory with a clean slate (as
a ward of the state for as long as that person reasonably cannot sustain
himself) until such time that the person finds an alternate nationality
or until such time as that person presents himself as a danger to the state,
in which case he shall be punished accordingly but not deported. Such a
requirement does not mean that a person is restored to the exact property
that was dispossessed because that’s just not practical after 50 years
on a wide basis and is unfair to legitimate transferees for value by legal
means assuming that in most cases the person holding the property today
is not the person who acquired it 50 years ago. A person holding "safe
haven citizenship" shall not be entitled to vote or hold elected office
but shall be permitted to pursue work, education and business of his choosing,
to travel freely and be required to pay applicable taxes and perform services
required of other citizens on an equal basis. The state may of course upgrade
such citizenship if it wishes. The point here is that a person should not
be stateless, the state which once dispossessed must care for the person
and provide an opportunity to seek a lawful living, but such person should
not be forced upon the state to the extent that he may affect the balance
of forces within the state.
What this might mean in reality is that if there
is no Palestinian state, Israel becomes host to a couple hundred thousand
Palestinian refugees now populating Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Under this
paper, they don’t go to Jaffa but probably some development town in the
Negev. But if Palestine exists, they do not need “safe haven” citizenship
in Israel. The whole idea of the Palestinian state should be to take these
people in, otherwise we are back at the beginning where Palestinians are
looking to restore pre-1948 borders by other means. I should also believe
that the Israelis would prefer this as well. What will Palestinians prefer?
The issue of compensation will already have been dealt with so each of
these people will be coming to Palestine with a bit of money that will
go much further in Palestine than in Israel. They might think they will
have a better life in Israel because the country is democratic and has
a higher standard of living, but I am assuming that if such a plan is ever
implemented in the first place, the Palestinian state will have evolved
into a type of entity Arabs want to live in.
The real dilemma is that if a Palestinian state
exists and there is no need for safe haven, then in essence the Palestinians
have no choice but to live in Palestine. This means no real right of return
and the choice is illusory. What if Palestine sucks? I think there is a
fair answer here – in 1948, Israel sucked but Jews had no choice. It was
not very democratic; there was plenty of corruption, and Ben Gurion ran
off with whatever he could get away with in terms of a country because
nobody was giving it to him. Would that Arafat and the people around him
act similarly, Palestine today would be a reality. If Palestine becomes
truly an independent country and not just a governorship under Israel,
it is up to Palestinians to make it work and not look to Israel to carry
it along just as Israel didn’t get any help from Transjordan post-1948.
They will have the same deal the Jews had in 1948, to go to their homeland
and give up the idea that they will live in pre-1948 Israel, just as Jews
were forced out of any one of 22 countries at the time. One other
point: What’s the big deal if Israel absorbs a couple hundred thousand
people? They did it with Russians, right? Israel did absorb a bunch of
Russians but these were mainly people who work and are educated; they should
not be stuck with a couple hundred thousand refugees if Palestine is around
to take them unless someone else wants to pay the bill for this.
The only category not dealt with here is the person
who has money and for some reason hasn’t found nationality; I would expect
that such a person will be accepted for citizenship by the Palestinian
state or by other states once the issue has been depoliticized. Some of
these people might even be welcomed with Israeli citizenship because they
can pay their way. Finally, a separate category under Family Reunification
should be created; presumably about 100,000 people would be permitted into
Israel (or other countries that might be more relevant to their specific
case) to take care of unifying families. This should not be a big deal
for anyone especially if the number is staggered over a period of 5-10
years. |